The close of APC’s primaries over the weekend marks the end of voting, but the start of a nationwide legal and political firestorm.

What was sold as a cleaner, more democratic process under the Electoral Act 2026 has left the party more fractured than the indirect primaries it replaced. Instead of eliminating imposition, the new system moved the fight from state headquarters to the wards. Now, the party is paying for it with rejected results, bruised egos, and a base that looks less united heading into 2027.

The National Working Committee shifted to direct primaries after consensus collapsed in most states. But the crises are no longer threats. They are full-blown institutional emergencies the party has to manage before the general election window slams shut.

High-profile casualties and fallout
The governorship and senatorial primaries produced high-profile casualties, widespread protests, and outright rejection of results. The defeat or alleged exclusion of veterans like Otunba Gbenga Daniel and Ibikunle Amosun sent shockwaves through the party’s South-West chapters.

Beyond the South-West, several senior legislators either withdrew in protest or lost to parallel exercises. In the South-East, former Imo governor Rochas Okorocha lost heavily. In Delta, former Deputy Senate President Ovie Omo-Age was crushed.
These defeats show how internal warfare has changed under the new rules. Previously, a wealthy heavyweight could protect themselves by controlling a small pool of delegates. Direct primaries forced candidates to defend hundreds of wards at once.
The national leadership also used screening and clearance as a gatekeeper, allegedly filtering out strong, independent-minded veterans before voting started. In states where governors or dominant factions controlled the digitisation and distribution of biometric registers, independents found it nearly impossible to validate their voter base.
With these generals shoved aside, the battle has shifted to anti-party mobilisation and courtroom warfare. Side-lined heavyweights rarely retire quietly. They usually make sure the ticket they were denied becomes expensive to defend in the general election.
Opposition moves in
The opposition is watching for openings. The Nigeria Democratic Congress extended form sales to May 24 to court aggrieved aspirants. The Taminu Turaki faction of the PDP is pushing Goodluck Jonathan as sole presidential candidate ahead of a May 26 court ruling on eligibility. None of these coalitions is perfect, but they are positioned to capitalise on APC’s resentment and division.
Ogun
Ogun is the South-West’s most dramatic flashpoint. Five of nine serving House of Assembly members lost return tickets. Deputy Chief Whip Ibrahim Isiaka fell in Ifo/Ewekoro, alongside Ishaq Akinlade, Tunji Akinosi, and Femi Ogunbanwo.
For the Senate, former governor and incumbent Otunba Gbenga Daniel hit a roadblock in Ogun East. His grassroots mobilisation collided with a fortified state party machinery. The fight exposed a deep rift between legacy structures and the current executive alignment.
Senator Ibikunle Amosun faced the same friction. Trapped between a hostile state executive and the centralising pressure of the 2026 rules, his network was sidelined during screening and filtering.
On Monday, May 19, during the senatorial primary, APC stakeholders reaffirmed Governor Dapo Abiodun for Ogun East Senate while OGD tactically withdrew from the race. Senator Daniel had earlier protested his exclusion from the Ijebu-Ode meeting where Abiodun was endorsed as consensus candidate.
Party officials defend process, elders allege secrecy. The APC spokesperson, Mr Femi Nuberu, defended the primaries as procedurally sound. In a chat with Sunday Sun, he said: “The primary is essentially to fulfil the requirements of the electoral laws and the provisions of the APC constitution. In the recently concluded or on-going primaries, the party has brought to bear the inherent authority of a political party, as opposed to a political movement. Based on party ideology and conviction, the party assessed aspirants and adopted one among them as a consensus candidate, without necessarily compelling others who were, or are, convinced of their political clout to defy the party’s resolution and vie. Though no results have been officially released by the national secretariat, substantially, the observations of the pattern, decisions, and responses of the members show they towed the party line and directives.”
That official position is contested on the ground. A concerned party elder in Ogun State, who did not want his name in print, said the exercise was “shrouded in secrecy and undue brigandage.”
He pushed back against reports that he endorsed Governor Dapo Abiodun as consensus candidate for Ogun East Senatorial ticket at a stakeholders’ meeting in Ijebu-Ode. “The agenda was not disclosed. And so I had to walk out quietly.”
Speaking directly on the process, he said: “For God’s sake, we advocated direct primaries. But the situation is such that the whole process is shrouded in secrecy and characterised by undue brigandage. I will continue to pray for the country and for a better electoral process to come.
“Under the current circumstances, I think silence would be the best response. I don’t think we are ready for democracy the way things are going. If democracy is truly for the people and by the people, it wouldn’t be the case that someone in Abuja or a state capital dictates who the people’s representatives will be. The people are not actually choosing their leaders; someone is dictating who the leaders should be. We will watch events as they unfold.
“Between you and me, the so-called endorsement some people are talking about took place at a meeting where the agenda was not specified. So you get there only to discover the game they are playing. For example, on two occasions in Ijebu-Ode, I had to walk out quietly when I discovered the hidden agenda.
“That is why I used the word secrecy. Without being there, there was no way I would have known what transpired. It would have been a third-party reporting. I am not contesting any election; my intention is to have a free and fair election. But some people are hell-bent on not allowing it to happen.”
Imo
In Imo West, Governor Hope Uzodimma defeated former governor Rochas Okorocha 230,464 to 1,098 to clinch the APC senatorial ticket. The result shows how sitting governors used the direct primary structure to lock down tickets.
Okorocha’s camp, locked in a long-running feud with the state executive, could not navigate the screening and voting mechanisms. Control of ward registers proved decisive.
Abia
Abia State chapter of the APC is enmeshed in fresh crisis following the governorship and State House of Assembly primaries. Parallel claims of victory, allegations of imposition, and protests have left the party divided ahead of 2027.
The crisis centres on the governorship contest where two aspirants emerged as candidates through separate processes. On Thursday, 13 of 18 members of the Abia APC State Working Committee adopted former Minister of State for Science and Technology, Chief Henry Ikechukwu Ikoh, as the consensus candidate. The resolution, signed by the State Secretary and other SWC members, cited Ikoh’s experience and grassroots acceptability.
Hours later, Chairman of the APC Governorship Election Committee, Hon. Bartho Lalong, announced Chief Eric Opah as the winner, saying he polled 126,977 votes against Ikoh’s 5,905. The Ikoh camp rejected the result as a “sham,” arguing it violated party guidelines and ignored the SWC adoption. It vowed to petition the national leadership.
The APC national headquarters distanced itself from both claims. National Publicity Secretary Felix Morka said no official results had been released and urged members to disregard figures circulating on social media.
The crisis extended to the State House of Assembly primaries. In Bende North, supporters protested after Hon. Ngozi Vivianne Orji, who reportedly scored 7,918 votes across seven wards, was replaced with Orji Udeagha on the official list. Protesters stormed the Umuahia secretariat demanding justice.
In Bende South, the result was withheld amid conflicting claims. Aspirant Hon. Victor Anyaogu said he polled 8,325 votes to defeat Emmanuel Ndubuisi’s 4,567, but the constituency was omitted from the official candidate list.
Party stakeholders lamented the lack of result sheets at several wards, alleging the outcome was predetermined. They warned that unresolved disputes could weaken APC’s chances in 2027.
Rivers
Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s withdrawal from the APC governorship primary on Wednesday changed the calculus in Rivers. His exit followed the disqualification of key loyalists, including grassroots mobilisers and assembly aspirants, by the screening committee. Appeals left most decisions unreversed due to alleged missing documents.
Facing a fortified register and hostile structure, Fubara’s camp concluded a direct vote would produce a predetermined defeat. By withdrawing, he denied opponents a tactical landslide and reframed the move as a sacrifice for peace.
In his statement, Fubara said silence should not be mistaken for fear. In Rivers politics, when an incumbent steps back from an explosive internal battle, it rarely means surrender. It preserves political capital. By avoiding a compromised primary, he keeps his options open.
Tonye Cole also withdrew, leaving the Rivers APC ticket in the hands of a single faction. That delivers a short-term win for the anti-Fubara camp, but strips the party of any pretence of inclusivity.
Fubara still controls the executive machinery, state resources, and an aggrieved grassroots base. His statement signals to that network to prepare for alternative alignments. Whether through silent backing of another party or under-the-table anti-party work, the APC’s candidate now faces an uphill battle.
Delta
Delta APC is dealing with post-primary tremors across its senatorial districts. Former governor Ifeanyi Okowa won Delta North with 113,309 votes to defeat incumbent Ned Nwoko’s 2,612. In Delta Central, incumbent Ede Dafinone crushed Ovie Omo-Age 116,252 to 3,643.
Defeated aspirants allege the direct primary registers were manipulated at the LGA level to deliver predetermined outcomes, deepening the rift between the grassroots base and the emerging elite.
Benue
The rift between the executive arm under Governor Hyacinth Alia and the party structures loyal to the NWC and local stakeholders hit a boiling point. After the primaries, angry party faithful and aggrieved aspirants protested what they termed “vote-rigging” and heavy-handed delegate list manipulation.
Plateau
Plateau recorded major upsets during the legislative primaries. High-profile figures, including incumbent rep Yusuf Gagdi, faced intense resistance and shocking losses despite alleged stakeholder backing, leading to deep structural fracturing within the state chapter ahead of the broader electoral cycle.
Ondo
In Ondo, the highly volatile primaries were characterised by alleged imposition of candidates and manipulated delegate rosters, sparking widespread protests. The ensuing internal party violence escalated to a deadly shootout in areas like Idanre.
Ekiti
In Ekiti, aggrieved aspirants, including two House of Representatives contenders, rejected the May 16 results outright. Teju Okuyiga, who polled 1,032 votes but lost to incumbent Richard Bamisile’s 4,379 in Ekiti South II, called the exercise flawed. She said delegate accreditation, voting, and collation were openly disregarded in multiple wards. “Figures were allocated, and results were announced in several wards where no voting took place,” she said. Victor Kolade in Ekiti Central II described it as a filthy exercise with nothing encouraging to write home about.
Cross River
Friction in Cross River stems from a top-down push for consensus on legislative tickets. Instead of stabilising the party, it triggered a revolt. Protest marches and petitions have flooded the appeals panel, with aspirants accusing the leadership of using the 2026 Act’s consensus clause to impose candidates. The party is now fractured along North and South lines.
Kaduna
Kaduna’s legislative primaries triggered an internal rebellion. Senatorial aspirants rejected the results, alleging breaches of the APC NWC’s transparency and fairness standards. Factions accused each other of hijacking result sheets and using unverified ward registers, shattering the illusion of executive control.
Lagos
Lagos was not spared. In Alimosho, the APC West Senatorial primary descended into factional violence with 15 injured. Violence broke out at the LGA secretariat as members were called to vote. Chairs, glass windows, and doors were shattered in the stampede.
An aide to Governor Sanwo-Olu was hospitalised after a peace meeting turned violent. Monarchs and party leaders later intervened to call for calm.
Meanwhile, Lagos East affirmed Tokunbo Abiru unopposed. The contrast sums it up: direct primaries moved the battleground to the wards, producing landslides where one structure dominates, violence where two clash, and consensus where elites agree not to fight.
On the whole, former Chairman of the Lagos chapter of the APC, Chief Henry Ajomale, described the exercise as a huge success. In an interview with Sunday Sun, he said: “To a large extent, the exercise was very peaceful. It was well organised, and I give kudos to those behind it. From the House of Representatives primaries to the governorship primaries and finally the presidential primary, the exercise was interesting and exciting, especially in Lagos. Of course, there were small hitches here and there. But overall, I think it was a credible exercise.
The issue of people protesting the outcome of primaries is not peculiar to APC primaries. Even during general elections, losers will always claim to have been manipulated. We are not angels, and I don’t think anybody is perfect. Everything cannot be perfect. People will always complain, even where there are no real issues. And you cannot avoid that in an exercise as big as APC primaries conducted across Nigeria, because everybody is desperate to represent the party. They consider their election a done deal once they get the APC ticket. So, if you lose, you will claim to have been robbed.”
Oyo
In Oyo State, the protest by immediate past Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, over the governorship primary mirrors the national pattern. Senator Sharafadeen Alli clinched the ticket amid claims that the registers were skewed and selectively distributed to favour his network.
Before voting, Oyo APC had warned against top-down consensus and demanded an open direct primary. Now that the vote produced a disputed outcome, Adelabu’s allegations strip away any illusion of fairness.
Oyo is repeating history. Past internal rifts and failed reconciliation opened the door for the opposition to take the state. If Adelabu and his allies pursue anti-party mobilisation or legal warfare, Alli’s ticket will face sabotage from within.
Adelabu has filed a petition to the APC National Appeals Committee alleging manipulation of the delegate list, intimidation and exclusion of aspirants and agents, and violation of APC guidelines.
He argued that the process contradicted the party’s own rules. “In multiple wards across Oyo State, no actual voting took place. Yet, results were allegedly written and transmitted as if elections had occurred. This constitutes a violation of Article 20 of the APC Constitution and the Electoral Act 2026 provisions on internal party democracy,” he said.
Adelabu said the delegate list was the core of the problem. “The delegates list used for the exercise was selectively compiled and altered to favour a preferred aspirant. Eleven aspirants were cleared by the National Screening Committee, but the process was structured to deny others a level playing field.”
He added that monitoring was blocked at key points. “Agents of several aspirants, including mine, were denied access to collation centres and ward venues. In some instances, there were reports of intimidation aimed at suppressing participation.”
For Adelabu, the use of a pre-approved list undercut the entire premise of direct primaries. “The use of a pre-approved delegates list contradicted the directive for a direct primary across all wards.”
Explaining why he stayed away from the venue, he said it was to avoid violence. “My decision to stay away from the venue on the day of the primary was to avoid bloodshed and to preserve the lives of party members. My ambition has never been worth the blood of any Oyo citizen. However, silence in the face of this subversion would amount to endorsing impunity.”
He now looks to the party’s internal mechanism for redress. “I trust the committee will act decisively to uphold justice, protect the integrity of the APC, and reassure members that the party remains committed to internal democracy.”
When veteran heavyweights and incumbent power brokers are locked out or handed defeated tickets, they do not fade away. They become dangerous internal saboteurs.
Petitions flood Appeal Committee and Reconciliation Committee
The conclusion of the primaries has opened the floodgate of petitions by aggrieved aspirants. From Monday, the National Assembly Primary Election Committees and Appeals Panels will be the most stressed institutions in the country.
In states like Ogun, the party is playing a cautious game. Declaring provisional outcomes while stating that no final winner will be declared until every petition is reviewed shows how wary the leadership is of legal landmines.
In places like Edo and Ondo, where parallel exercises and multiple victory claims emerged from rival factions, the national headquarters will have to choose which faction to validate. Whichever way they rule, a lawsuit is virtually guaranteed.
The strategic objective of the appeal committee is to offer a credible exhaust valve for anger. As President Bola Tinubu noted in his recent address on the primaries, winners must hold olive branches, and losers must use internal redress mechanisms rather than wrecking the boat.
The committee’s task is to provide enough perceived transparency and compromise, such as offering alternative political concessions or ordering selective re-runs where irregularities are undeniable, to keep powerful, aggrieved losers from defecting or funding anti-party activities from within.
Ultimately, the committee’s job is a balancing act between strict adherence to party guidelines and raw political pragmatism.
Ajomale expressed confidence that all disputes would be amicably resolved. “The machinery is there for aggrieved aspirants to appeal. I am sure the Appeal Committee will look at the issues to see if they are genuine and make corrections where necessary.
“It is always anticipated that there will be disputes. Where you don’t have the support of the people, you will claim to have been rigged out.
“The best we have done so far is giving every member the opportunity to choose the candidates they want. It was an open exercise. People queued behind the aspirants of their choice, and the process was transparent enough that manipulation was difficult where people lined up and were counted. Claiming to have been robbed is a human attitude.
“Every dispute will be resolved by the Appeal and Reconciliation Committee, which will try to bring back all aggrieved members.
Thank God, there is enough time for reconciliation and to settle all the rifts. The election will hold in January, and we are in May. Within that period, we will resolve and settle all aggrieved members.”
Meanwhile, Wednesday’s judgment of the Federal High Court, Abuja, which ruled that INEC exceeded its statutory powers by imposing timelines that conflict with provisions of the Electoral Act, 2026, has opened a window for parties to re-conduct primaries where there is clear evidence of manipulation.
The court held that while INEC has the power to monitor and observe party primaries, it lacks the authority to dictate when political parties must conduct them.
“A declaration is hereby made that upon a proper consideration and interpretation of the provisions of Sections 29, 82 and 84(1) of the Electoral Act, 2026, the powers of the Defendant to receive notice of party primaries and the personal particulars of candidates, and its duty to attend, observe and monitor such primaries, does not extend to fixing or prescribing the timetable within which political parties may conduct their primary elections for the purpose of nominating candidates for the 2027 general elections,” the court ruled.
This development may offer political parties an opportunity to replace candidates or allow those who lost their primaries to defect.
Ajomale dismissed the threat of losing aggrieved members to the opposition. “In the past, you could lose here and join another party. But that is not possible now. It is a good thing that we no longer have political prostitutes jumping from one party to another. Knowing that they have nowhere to go, I think they will listen to the voice of reason and join those who have won as members of one family,” he said.
Tinubu applauds exercise
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, addressing journalists at his Ward E polling unit in Ikoyi, Lagos, described the entire primary exercise as peaceful and organised. He said:
“The exercise is a demonstration of internal democracy. It has been going very well according to plan. This is politics—grassroots politics. Every member of the party has a right to participate and be involved to ensure that we have internal democracy. It is peaceful and well organised.
I am very satisfied that the governors have done well in their various states. From ward congresses to local government congresses, to delegate accreditation, validation of members’ register, and certification of the electoral process, it has been going on very well. At least, you will score democracy at a high level.”
Credit: The Sun
